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HUNTING AND FISHING AMONG THE SOUTHERN KALINGA

RoBERT LAWLEss

Among the six major mountain peoples1 of Northern Luzon, only two, the Kalinga and the Apayao, maintain hunting and fishing as an appreciable supplement to their regular food gathering and grow- ing activities. But although the Kalinga are probably. the third most thoroughly studied group, after the Bontoc and Ifugao, there is little in the literature on their hunting and fishing techniques, terms, cere·

monies, omens, seasons. This lack of information is especially, regret- • table in view of the striking decline of hunting and fishing in the southern, and especially southwestern, portions of Kalinga-Apayao Province during the last decade.

This article then will give fairly detailed information on cur- rent hunting and fishing practices among the Southern Kalinga, ex- plain where, when, and how these data were gathered, review the literature already written on such practices, give a brief reconstruction of the recent history of the decline of hunting and fishing, and finally indicate the impact of current political considerations and the future

direction of hunting and fishing in Southern Kalinga.

Existing Literature About Hunting and Fishing in Kalinga

Seven full-length treatments of the Kalinga have been published.

The oldest are Fay-Cooper Cole's two books in the early 1900's on the Western Kalinga,2 who are often referred to as the Tinguian. Cole

* The data for this article were gathered under a fellowship from the Foreign Area Program of the Social Science Research Council, New York City; however, the conclusions, opinions, and other statements in this article are the author's and are not necessarily those of the Foreign Area Program or of the Social Science Research Council.

1 Generally considered to be the Ibaloi, Kankanai, Bontoc, Ifugao, Kalinga, and Apayao.

, 2 Fay-Cooper Cole, The Tinguian: Social, Religious, and Economic Life of a Philippine Tribe (Chicago: Field Museum of Natural History, 1922). and Traditions of. the Tinguian: A .Study of Philippine Folklore

(Chicago: Field Museum of Natural History, 1915).

83

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has about five printed pages on hunting and fishing3 and mentions that many deer and an occasional pig are caught by the dogs chasing them into long nets stretched across the runway of the game.4 This method is apparently not used in Southern Kalinga.

Roy Franklin Barton's book on Kalinga law5 - as understood in Lubuagan, Lubuagan - in discussing hunting covers only the rules governing the distribution of meat after the kill. 6 His discussion of fishing is limited to about one page on rules governing the use of streams for fishing and the questionable statement that "fishing is not economically important."7

Edward P. Dozier's 287-page survey of Kalinga life in 1959-19608 has less than two pages on hunting and two short paragraphs on fishing.9 Jules Deraedt's long article on a Northern Kalinga group10 focuses on kinship and has only two sentences on hunting and fishing.11 Francisco Billiet and Francis Lambrecht's translation and analysis of four folk epics from Southern Kalinga12 is an invaluable work, but it does concentrate principally on headhunting and tells us little if anything about wildlife hunting. Esteban T. Magannon's study of religion among the Southern Kalinga in Lubo, Tanudan Municipal District/3 has two short hunting rituals in the appendices.14

When, Where, and How These Data Were Gathered

This article represents some of the first part of a 12-month study of food gathering and growing activities among the Southern Kalinga.

By Southern Kalinga I refer to the ethnic divisions proposed by Billiet

8 Cole, The pp. 378-386.

4 Ibid., pp. 379-380.

6 R. F. Barton, The Kalingas: Their Institutions and Custom Law (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1949).

6 Ibid., pp. 85-87.

7 Ibid., pp. 87-88.

s Edward P. Dozier, MountCLin Arbiters: The Changing Life of .a Philippine Hill People (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1966).

9 Ibid., pp. 132-135.

1o Jules Deraedt, "Some Notes on Buwaya Society," SCLint Louis Quar- terly, Vol. 7, No. 1 (March 1969), pp. 7-110.

u Ibid., p. 9.

12 Francisco Billiet and Francis Lambrecht, The KCLlinga Ul.lalim (Baguio City: Catholic School Press, 1970).

13 Esteban T. Magannon, Religion in a Kalinga Village: Its hnpli- cations for Planned Change. (Quezon City: University of the J>hil•

ippines Community Development Research Council, 1972).

14 Ibid., pp. 73-75.

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HUNTING AND FISHING AMONG SOUTHERN KALINGA 85 and Lambrecht/5 in which the Northern Kalinga occupy the Saltan River valley west to Salegseg, Balbalan, and south to Balbalan, Bal-

balan, the Mabaca River valley, and the upper Matalag River valley into Apayao Subprovince.16 In political units the Northern Kalinga occupy roughly Pinukpuk Municipal District, the eastern part of Balba1an Municipal District, and the southermost part of Apayao Subprovince.

The Western Kalinga occupy most of Abra Province, where maybe a quarter of them are ilokanized beyond recognition, and the upper1

Saltan River valley. In political units this is Abra and western Bal- balan Municipal District. The Southern Kalinga occupy the middle Chico River valley from about eighteen kilometers south of Pinuk- puk Municipal District to Bontoc Province and the Chico River tri- butaries of the Mananig, Tanudan, and Pasil Rivers, including part of northeast central Bontoc. The Southern Kalinga then live primarily in the political units of Lubuagan, Pasil, Tinglayan, and western Tanudan Municipal Districts in Kalinga-Apayao and in Natonin Mu- nicipal District, Bontoc. (Dozier postulates a division of Kalingas into Northern, Southern, and Eastern/7 but I don't consider his di- vision valid; his two-month sojourn in two Kalinga villages was too brief to give him authority to speak on the tricky business of ethnic boundaries, and his thinking on boundaries seems to be dominated both by the rather arbitrary Philippine political divisions and by his prior commitment to a theoretical division between wet and dry rice farming.)

This article is based on data gathered in Pasil and Lubuagan Municipal Districts during the five months from July to November 1973. The hunting data are primarily from informants in the four barrios of Pasil that are widely regarded as the best hunting barrios, Balatoc, Colayo, Pugong, and Bagtayan (Bagtayan is act- ually a sitio of Galdang barrio); the fishing data are primarily from informants in one of the best known fishing barrios of Lu- buagan Municipal District, Tanglag. My principal informants in- clude Agaton, Tanglag; Tabas Angalao, Colayo; Dionisio Awing,

15 Billiet and Lambrecht, op. cit., pp. 41-42.

16 Although I have never been able get a clear ruling on this, it seems that since Kalinga-Apayao was created as one province in 1968, there is technically no longer any such thing as Kalinga or Apayao Subprovince.

However, it is awkward to speak of Kalinga and Apayao as anything but political divisions since the boundaries have little geographic or ethnic validity.

17 Dozier, op. cit., pp. 7, 9, 11.

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Dalupa, Pasil; Irenio Bagyom, Galdang, Pasil; Alfredo Bakidan, Balatoc; Jose Balangi, Antonio Bulawit, Sumadel, Ting- layan Municipal District; Maximo Diwayan, Pugong; Max Duguiang, Lubuagan, Lubuagan; Lukas Gayodan, Dangtalan, Pasil; Miguel He- rano, Bagtayan; Manuel Lamao, Bagtayan; Lognas, Dangta.an; Bu- bo Longodan, Colayo; Julio Meguingan, Balatoc; Gavino Mosing, Pasil Poblacion; Eduardo Nalog, Dangtalan; Juanita Palangyo, Pugong;

and Jacinto Tullabang, Balatoc. Much of the data was translated by my two guides from Dangtalan, Andrew Dompao and Willy Kub-ao.

Also, I went on several hunting trips in the forest surrounding the Bato rice field area of Pugong and in the forest area along the Ta-

bia River between Bagtayan and Balbalasang, Balbalan; and I was able to observe some fishing activities in the Saltan River near Secsean, Balbalan.

The Importance in Hunting of the Idaw18

The idau/ is a small bird about 12 em. long with a black bill, a yellow breast, and dark red feathers; it is thought to be a variety of maya. It is believed that Kabunian, chief god of the Kalinga, speaks

IS A note on the rendition of Kalinga words in this article· Since my study is not at all linguistic, I have very little to say about the Kalinga language. It is evident that pronunciation, vocabulary, and occasionally grammar vary from region to region and even village to village; it is also evident that the pronunciation of Kalinga is very difficult for a non-Kalinga to learn ( cf. Barton, op. cit., p. 17). Almost all written Ralinga is biblical; Billiet has translated much of th.e Ro- man Catholic bible; and C. Richard Gieser of the Summer Institute of Linguistics, much of the Protestant bible. Neither of these transla- tions contain detailed terms for hunting and fishing. My main concern here is simply the "spelling" of Kalinga terms. I have followed pri- marily the systems of Bil1iet and Gieser, which are close though Billiet's is based on Lubuagan speech and Gieser's on the speech of Guinaang, Pasil. I have used for voiceless stops the symbols ch, k, p, t, and v;

for voiced stops b, d, and g, and for continuants l, m, n, ng, and c; for voiced vowels a, e, i, o, u, and w. The diphtongs are ai, ao, ei, eo, ia, io, oa, oe, oi, wa, we, wi, wo, and wu. In accordance with established systems I use ay for the ai sound and ow for the oa sound. Place names and individuals' names are spelled traditionally; some of these traditio11<1l spellings use symbols not in the above system, e.g. the barrio Colayo with the Spanish c rather than with k.

Almost all the vocabulary and spelling was checked with interpre- ters in Dangtalan, Pasil. In all Kalinga dialects the l and r are indis- tinguishable to my ear, therefore my interpreters, who seemed to know the difference, always had to point out this spelling. In Dangtalari d is soundPd ch: this seems to be peculiar only to the Guinaang region and Lubuagan. My Dangtalan int-erpreters were not too helpful here, but wherever it seemed appropriate, I have rendered the ch sound into the

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HUNTING AND FISHING AMONG SOUTHERN KALINGA 87 through the idaw and foretells good luck or misfortune. Almost all Kalinga, even those with Western education, pay close attention to the idaw. There are many beliefs connected with the idaw, and the read- ding of idaw signs varies from barrio to barrio and especially from region to region. The idaw is an extremely important traveling omen among the Kalinga/9 and so I will enter some comparative data here of beliefs from regions other than those barrios along the Pasil Ri- ver. Although the idaw is the main traveling omen, any object, plant, animal, or natural event can convey a message from Kabunian. I will here discuss primarily only those pertaining to hunting.

In the 4unting barrios of Pugong and Bagtayan and in general throughout the eastern portion of Pasil there is general agreement on the following idaw beliefs. (The barrios of Balatoc and Colayo in western Pasil, having been settled primarily from Tulgao, Tinglayan, have somewhat different beliefs, which I will summarize briefly later.) The idaw can give a sign in three places: 1. the place of beginning the trip to the hunting grounds, 2. the first resting place, and 3. the hunting place. However, a bad idaw at any time means that the hunters must return home. If there is only one good idaw in any of the three places, this is sufficient for a good hunt as long as there are no bad idaw. Ideally there should be three good idaw in the three places. (I am using the word idaw as the Kalinga do, i.e. to refer to both the bird and the sign.)

The following are bad idaw, and the hunters must return home whenever they have one: A sad idaw that does not sing loudly but

pan-Kalinga d. Other sounds difficult for a non-Kalinga to distinguish - and possible errors in my spellings - g and k; b, p, and v; d and t;

and k and g. Some investigators (see e.g. Dozier, op. cit. p. xx) gave up entirely trying to distinguish o and u. Again, with the help of my interpreters I have made a spelling distinction that I believe re- flects pronunciation.

One additional note ·about language; Some of the Kalinga terms are of recent Ilocano origin and some of Spanish origin. I make no effort to point out any of this since it is beyond the scope of mY art-.

icle. ·

19 Traveling omens, especially from birds, are important to all mountain peoples in Northern Luzon, but these omens have not been systematically studied. I hope to have an article in the near future on traveling omens among the Kalinga. (Indeed, traveling omens and other signs of birds, objects, and events are both important and stri- kingly similar throughout the Philippines. If someone compiled the beliefs of the mountain "pagan" peoples and also those of the tra- ditional, rural lowland "Christian" peoples, many would be surprised at just how similar they are.)

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simply sits still and acts droopy; an idaw singing behind the hunter; an idatv singing on the left (termed dumaog) generally means that there will be a storm; an idaw flying across the hunter's path from left to right (termed ak. om) generally means the hunter will become too weak to carry things.

The following are good, and the hunters will have success: A happy idaw dancing and jumping around; an idaw singing on the right side (termed malboy); an idaw flying across the path from right to left (termed bumasot), which means generally that the hunter will bag a lot of game and will have the strength to carry it all home.

If no idaw appears, the hunnters must return home when they reach the hunting grounds. This omen is termed dorpas. To avoid such a completely wasted trip, many hunters purposely call the idaw to get a sign. It is called by an a-i-o-o-o-o-o-o sound uttered very loudly by the hunters.

The idaw can also tell a number of other things, e.g., both malboy and ak.om may also mean that an animal is trapped in the hunter's pit; an idaw singing near the pit means that the animal in it is dead or rotting; an idaw singing a peculiar tic-tic sound means that the hunter will make a catch but may meet an accident on the way home.

Other birds that carry the word of Kabunian to the hunters include the pisot, a large white bird. As a general traveling omen the call of the pisot means that when the traveler reaches a sick per- son, that person will die immediately. To the hunters it means that game will be killed. If it is heard at home in the evening, the hunters should go hunting the following morning. If they hear it in the fields, thrv may expect something to have happened in the village. · If they find that nothing has happened, they should go hunting the following morning. If someone gives the hunters a piece of meat on their way back to the village, that invalidates the pisot sign. The cry of the coling, a hawk, is a strong sign; it is the ghost of the idaw.

Upon seeing or hearing a coling anywhere the hunters must return home immediately.

The call of the coop, an owl, generally relates to marriage pro- posals; if one is in the house of his intended and hears the coop, he must leave immediately. Only the most traditional hunters will call off a hunt when hearing the coop, but since the coop usually calls only in the early morning hours, many hunters leave home later in the morning. The sound of the sumigod (a type of idaw) is a special

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HUNTING AND FISHING AMONG SOUTHERN KALINGA 89 sign telling the hunter returning home with a new hunting dog that the dog will be a good one.

In Colayo and Balatoc there are generally two places for the hunters to listen to the idaw; both are resting places on the way to the hunting grounds. If in sighting or hearing two good idaw the first is on the left and the second on the right, this is termed basil-ang and is good. If the first is on the right and the second on the left (even though they are good idaw), this is a bad sequence termed tok_ang and the hunters must return home. (In some traveling situations, such as for trading, specifically a type termed ba-at, a tok_ang may be good.) A good idaw sound starts low with a slow t i c - - - tic tic and speeds up to a high-pitched tic-tic-tic-tic. · A bad sound is a low, slow chuk--chuk--chuk--chuk. All sounds must be happy ones to work in the pattern; a sad sound is always a bad sign and the hunter must return home.

Billiet and Lambrecht, m speaking of idatt' signs in Tanudan Municipol District, write:20

The chirping (palitpit) or the talking (bagbaga, makabagba- ga ... ) of the idaw birds may be either a good, neutral, or bad omen.

The augury is good (which means "proceed"), if the chattering is accompanied by "prrprrprrprrrr" rolling sounds ( ma.lboy kad) ; it is neutral if the call is "pit pit pitpit pit pit pit"; it is definitely bad if the call is a continual whistling "wissss dsdsdssssiw" (sumigud kad), meaning "return home." . . . Warriors [and hunters] stop six times to listen to the idaw's call at six different stations along the path they are to follow; the sixth station is not far away from their village. Once they have passed the sixth station, they no longer pay any attention to the bird's call. The first mangona) and second (kagwa) stations, both fixed by custom, and the fourth (kapat) station are the most important: the auguries at all these three stations must be malboy ("have a good sound"), unless the augur ( mangidaw), a member of the group older than the rest, who is a recognized expert in interpreting auguries or omens, says that a neutral augury at the first or second station is good. In any case, however, the augury at the fourth station must be malboy. If at the third (katlu) station, the augury would be definitely bad, the warriors [and hunters] may nevertheless proceed, hoping that the fourth would be good. Bad auguries at the fifth (kalma) and sixth (ka- nom) stations no longer prevent the warriors [and hunters] from proceeding, since the augur will easily find a way of explaining away a sumigud bad omen through favorable omen.

Other bad omens that mean hunters must call off the hunt in- clude a snake crossing the path, a recent earthquake or landslide anywhere in the hunters' home area, traveling path, or hunting area.

2o Billiet and Lambrecht, op. cit., pp. 277-278.

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Also, if hunters hear a deer baying during the night, they should not go hunting the next day.

To foretell the fortunes of a hunt, hunters may read the bile of a pig butchered for some ceremony not connected with hunting. If the bile is small or empty, the hunters will not catch anything; if it is full or large, they will. A very common belief throughout the mountains concerns sneezing. lf any person or animal sneezes during the moment that the hunters· (or any travelers) are thinking about just seeting out, then they must postpone the hunt or trip for an hour or so; generally some news is expected during that hour. If conti- nually sneezing is heard, they should put off the hunt until the next day.

According to Dozier, "In Mabaca [in Balbalan Municipal District]

if you dream of rice cake mixed with coconut oil or if you dream of drinking wine then you will catch a fat wild pig. Generally in the north, dreaming of a dead person is considered to be a sign of good luck in hunting . . . A complete rainbow is a good sign, but not an incomplete one."21 Some informants told me that if only part of the hunter's cigarette burns after he lights it, he will surely catch some- thing.

I have given here what seem to be the most widespread hunting omens in Southern Kalinga, plus some uncommon ones and a few from other areas of Kalinga. Such signs and beliefs are endless.

Every barrio and indeed every hunter can always add to the list; any- thing done, felt, heard, or seen before a noticeably successful or un- successful hunt is a candidate for an omen. Some of them become wore widespread than others; some never go beyond one hunter.

All my informants without exception, however, strongly believe in the common £daw signs.

The Importance £n Huntt'ng of Dog/ Nipples

Hunting dogs are highly valued and now rather scarce in Southern Kalinga. A pair of good hunting dogs costs about one carabao, and a carabao currently sells for around P'700 in Kalinga. The very best hunting clog will cost one carabao by itself. Hunting dogs in general are called mingor, which is the same term applied to a war- rior who has killed at least one person. A similar term is mangarat.

21 Dozier, op cit., p. 133.

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HUNTING AND FISHING AMONG SOUTHERN KALINGA 91 Most informants said the two terms mean the same, but one hunter said that the mangarat can hunt alone but the mingor needs compa- nions.

There is much information on how to recognize good hunting dogs but not much on how to train them; they generally learn by running with the pack. Some training occurs when owners throw stones at chickens for puppies to chase. However, hunters will never bother with a dog that does not have good hunting signs, and the

popular system for recognizing good hunting dogs is by their nipples. Again, the nipple rules vary from hunter to hunter, barrio to barrio, region to region even more than the idaw signs. The fol- lowing information is limited to the barrios of Pugong and Bagtayan.

The best hunting dog is called a buk_od (sometimes bugtong) and is recognized by examining the fourth nipple from the rear (in a row of five) on either side; this nipple should be balloon-like and the surrounding area clean and clear. Some hunters identify the buk_od by the rear nipple, saying this double nipple must have the two parts widely separated.

Usually dogs hunt in packs, but the buk_od can track down, catch, and hold a deer or wild pig all by itself until the hunters come.

Some of the buk_od before are reputed to have gone out occasionally by themselves without any hunters to track, kill, and eat a wild pig- let. They are rare now; Bagtayan had seven just before World War II but has none now. In the old days the famous hunters used three to five buk_od on one hunt. In all of Pasil there are now only three buk_od; two in Malucsad, one in Pugong.

A dog called a pa-as, according to one hunter, can be used for hunting only by widowers and is identified by the nipple nearest the rear being single instead of double. Another hunter denied this, saying the term to a dog whose offspring all die. Still another hunter, while agreeing with the nipple rule, adhered to only part of the second hunter's explanation, saying that if the pa-as proves him- self in a hunt, it means no harm will come to the owr..er's family; and if it doesn't, then an offspring of the owner will die.

The commonly used term sabat refers to a class of dog's nipples, not to an individual hunting dog. The nipples are not aligned cross- ways in the sabat breeds. Another hunter said that sabat has nothing

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to do with nipples but refers to a point in the hunt when barking dogs have found signs of an animal and other dogs join them. It should be noted that all this disagreement comes from two barrios only about one hour and 15 minutes trail hike apart, both within the same Guina- ang cultural region, and from experienced hunters.

Even more so than idaw signs, the nipple rules seem to be end- less. Generally anything that is unusual in a dog's nipples is taken as a sign, and if that dog turns out to be a good hunter, then the sign becomes a rule. With the scarcity of hunting dogs, one cannot af- ford to ignore a dog, so the hunters look hard for peculiar nipples.

Some more recent classes of nipples indicating good hunting dogs include these: unaligned nipples of any sort (basiwal); three nipples for the double rear one; an extra nipple (sawal) or missing ones;

a nipple in the middle of the penis with a depression leading to the nipples on either side (co lis); elongation of the nipples across the body rather than the length of the dog, as is common.

Still more nipple rules include the belief that a dog with balloon- like nipples should be owned only by rich men and a dog with thin nipples should be owned only by the poor. If one nipple is in front of the penis and often urinated on, then the dog will easily follow the animals' trail. If the nipples are twisted counter clockwise, the dog is a coward; if clockwise, a hero. All my informants believed strongly in all nipple signs though their interpretation of them

differed.

There are other signs by which hunters may recognize a good hunting dog, but these appear to be more recent and are not quite so strongly held as the nipple beliefs. Dogs with ears that flop down are not considered good. Apparently it is believed that floppy ears will impair the dog's hearing on the hunt. But if one ear is pointed forward and the other flopped down, this is a good sign.

If the dog's hair is coarse, it will be a good hunting dog. Also.

if the whorls on the underside of the dog are in the middle and not at the sides, as is common, the dog will be a good hunting dog. If the dog's tail leans to the left, it must be cut. Most of the short tails in Southern Kalinga are for this reason. Black spots on the lips and mouth are good, and if any of the dog's feet area are a different color., it will be certain to catch the animal whose track it steps into.

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HUNTING AND FISHING AMONG SOUTHERN KALINGA 9iS.

Hunting Techniques in Southern Kalinga

Often hunters go out in groups of ten or so and then break up into groups of two or three, each with several dogs, though some- times hunters prefer to be alone so that they will not have to share their catch. Also it is believed that dogs with one hunter wil lnot tire so easily. Resting of dogs depends on how much they run. Five hours in a day is about maximum, and they have to be rested the next day. Usually they run for two or three hours two days in a row and are rested for two.

Especially since the banning of firearms with martial law, dogs are easily the hunter's most valuable tool. The dogs chase down the game and surround it. There is much shouting during the hunt to cheer on the dogs and to locate where the hunters are. This shouting is with a wa-a-a-h-o-o-o-o-o sound. The hunters keeps their eyes and ears open. If a hunter spots a deer or if one knows where deer are or if one is inquiring where deer are, he points with his hand closed: it is believed that if a person points with fingers out- stretched, the deer will run in that direction far, far away. But the game is usually found by the sharper senses of the dogs.

When a dog has found an animal, it starts barking and the chase is on as the other dogs join in and the hunters try desparately, and not always successfuly, to keep up with the dogs as they dash through the forests, up and down cliffs, around trees, through the underbush. Deer usually head for water and are trapped in the middle of a stream; wild pigs are usually cornered against bolderc;. Dogs may chase the squirrel- like muttt up a tree, and then the hunter knocks it out. When it falls to the ground, the hunter will have to fight off the dogs to get it.

If the deer is greatly tired when trapped in the stream, it will not fight hard, and sometimes in these cases the dogs tear it to pieces be- fore the hunters can get to it. It is a very rare dog that simply grabs hold of the game and does not let go until its owner comes. If the dogs get so far ahead that the hunters cannot keep up with them and then cannot find them, it is expected that the dogs will return home the same hunting day. If they do not return, it probably because they are having a feast in the forest. The next day the hunters send boys or relatives to search the river banks for the carcass of the deer to see whether any meat can be salvaged. This is termed ubo.

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Dogs usually keep their distance from the cornered wild pig, simply barking at it and keeping it from escaping; lots of good hunting dogs have been killed by getting too close to a cornered wild pig. Usually the hunter cripples the pig with one spear thrust, then lets go of the spear ·- since the strong wild pig will be thrusting about -- and fi- nishes it off with his bolo, often striking at the spinal colum. Ge- nerally after the spear thrust, the dogs in and hold the pig.

Great care is taken in killing wild pigs because they are widely re- garded as dangerous. The deer, which is usually in water when caught, is speared and then the hunter pulls it with the spear toward him on the head with a stone.

The common spear (tubay) is about two meters long and steel tipped with one wing or backup hook on each side; some may have two on each side. Also, spear tips can be made from the tough bik_ar bambno (related to the anos bamboo). It is cut crossways at an acute angle making a sharp point. This tip is about 20-30 em. long and is fitted over a piece of wood around two meters long for the complete spear.

This traditional spear has no wing. Bolos may be made from any iron; they are often fashioned from automobile springs. Most of the steel spears and bolos in P::tsil come from the blacksmiths in Uma, Lubuagan.

Distribution of Meat from the Kill

The meat from the kill is divided evenly among whomever is around, whether or not they participated in the hunt. It is said that farmers with fields near the forest may spend more time in their

than really necessary in the hopes of getting some meat. Although anyone may spear a hunted animal, he cannot touch the carcass un- til the original hunters arrive on the scene. The share of the meat is called ilang, a term covering the share of meat from any type of but- chering. Persons arriving on the scene after the butchering has started do not receive an ilang. The hunters by custom save back for them- selves the head, neck, and thorax.

Usually the intestines and other inside parts (sweetbread) of the animal are cooked and divided and eaten on the spot of the kill (or nearby), while the meat shares are taken to the home uncooked. The lungs and bones are given to the dogs. The part of the sweetbread that the hunter may not finish and takes home is called mer-utu. The

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HUNTING AND FISHING AMONG SOUTHERN KALINGA 95 division of anything that was cooked in the forest is called bilay.

cial distribution includes the head going to the leading hunter or the o;.dest man in the group. Also, the head and the neck may be di- vided between the oldest man and the leading hunter. When one uses a borrowed dog or rifle, the owner of the rifle or dog gets a share of the meat, but the hunter gets the head. (The liver is divided evenly - unlike the butchering of domestic animals where it goes to the attending elite.) Generally owners of dogs get two ilang and those without dogs get one i!ang. Shares are also given to persons the hunters meet on the way home.

The ilatJg is cooked at home, and friends and relatives are in- vited. One may save back part of the share for the immediate family, but if one saves back "too much," he will be "talked about."

If the family doesn't have rice, then they cook the ilang and take it to the house of some relative with rice, and that relative gets a large share of the meat. Small rattan strips tied and looped at the end may be stuck in the sawali wall of a person's house in remem- brance of ilang.

Business hunters have the meat to sell but usually eat the sweetbread. Generally the shoulder and the loin are sold, usually bringing around P'40 from traveling middlemen for a full-grown pig, and the rest of the meat is taken home. The middlemen's going to a business hunter's house to buy meat is called sifierr. Salt- ing and smoking of the shoulder and loin is sometimes done. but is rather rare; it keeps for about a month. Meat is quite scarce m Southern Kalinga, and so nobody cares about storing it.

Trapping Techniques Used by Hunters

There are four main types of traps used in Pasil: 1. Beto - This generally refers to pit for trapping wild pigs and sometimes deer.

They can be constructed in a variety of forms, but generally these are the steps: A. The pathway of the animal is located, usually lead- ing to and away from watering spots, B. a hole is dug about one and one-half meters deep, sometimes square and sometimes round, with a diameter of a meter and one-half (a stone wall may be necessary if the soil is soft), C. the hole is covered in a criss-cross manner by easily breakable sticks. D. the sticks are covered with leaves and moss. Oc- casionally sharpened bamboo poles are placed in the bottom of the pit,

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but this is consjdered dangerous to persons who may walk by; it was done more frequently in the past when there were fewer people around.

Also, if the animal is killed in the pit, he is more likely to rot before the hunter gets back. One hunter may have 20 to 50 pits, and before World War II one barrio may have had as many as 1,000 pits in its hunting grounds.

Variations in the construction of the beto depend on the inge- nuity of the hunter. Mamerto Dollipes of Dangtalan (who is pri marily a farmer, not a hunter), for example, constructed a device to scare the wild pig into the pit; wild pigs are known to be very clever and will avoid pits. The pathway in this case is on the edge of a swidden and is hemmed in on one side by a fence and on the other by heavy bush. Above the pit are two stationary logs planted in the ground in an upright position. Between these two are three heavy logs leaning loose against one piece of wood. The single piece of wood, which is placed crossways between the two stationary logs, is held by one piece of wire looped around the stick and attached to a string. The string then is stretched across the wild pig's path.

When the pig trips the string, the falling logs will frighten him into the pit. In addition the pit is baited with camote and taro, which are highly favored by wild pigs. A variation on trap would be one constructed exactly the same except that no pit would be dug;

instead the pig would be frightened over a shallow cliff to fall on bamboo spikes prepared below or frightened over a deep cliff to be killed in the fall.

2. Kortib - This trap is usually placed at the edge of a swid- den along a fence. Heavy logs are set upright against the fence and held by a stick that will be released when the attached string or vine is triggered by passing wildlife. The logs fall directly on the animal, pinning it to the ground. This is the simplest trap to con- struct.

3. Ba!ais - This is a spear trap for pigs or deer. It is. dange- rous to bypassers and is usually marked by crossed sticks placed around it or by horizontal marks cut in nearby trees. About two or three meters from the pathway of the animal a stick with a sharpened steel tip is set up at the level of the heart of the animal. A 60-cm.

piece of bamboo is stretched and bent tight and then tied witlh string or vine. A string-trigger is set across the path, and when the ani-

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HUNTING AND FISHING AMONG SOUTHERN KALINGA 97 mal touches the string, the spear is released. A rifle can be substi- tuted for the spear.

4. Lasag -- Generally used for wild chickens, birds, and mutit, this trap is considered by some hunters for use only by children, but it is still a commonly used trap. A string or vine is tied to a stick that is then bent. The other end of the string is looped and placed on the ground with a trigger. When released by the animal stepping inside the loop, the trap jerks the animal up and secures him by the foot.22 This trap is generally placed on ground where there are many scratches.

Minor traps include the following: 1. Apad - A trap for lizards similar to the lasag but usually smaller. 2. Sam"d -- Used for hunting bats at night when they feed on the fruits of the k_amussa tree, this consists of several long leaves with sharp, curved thorns tied on long poles that are swung at the bats thus entrapping them: 3.

Nightlight - At night the hunter may place a kerosene light on an elevated rock and cover it with a screen. Birds will fly into it knock- ing themselves out, and the hunter simply picks them up. 4. Pangati - Used for catching wild chickens. It is tied to a rope pegged to the ground and on three sides around it is spread a screen about three meters in length. Pegged to the ground, the screen has cir- cles of twine about 10 em. in diameter placed at about every 14th em.

along the screen. When a wild chicken comes to fight, it gets en- tangled in the screen.23 Usually only one chicken at a time is caught.

Hunting Seasons and Habitats of Wildlife

Although htmting is done year-round, dry seasons ( dagun) from February through April is the primary hunting time. Rainy season (agi!id) brings out the much dislike small, black leeches. They suck deeply and a hunter can bleed considerably after removing them, usually by simply pulling them off. Occasionally these_ leeches get into the eyes arid cause considerable trouble. Also, in the dry season the hunters are usually free from their primary work in the paddies and swiddens - nobody in Southern Kalinga hunts full-time because everyone has at least one field to attend-since planting in the swidden and harvesting in the paddy does not begin until June.

22 Cf. Cole, op. crit., p. 381.

2s Cf. ibid., pp. 380-381.

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It would be thought that hunters would have detailed informa- tion on the habitats of variom. wildlife, but I could get little infor- mation on this; the hunters say simply that they depend on the idau·.

It is known that deer and wild pigs, the most commonly hunted ani mals, inhabit thickly forested areas, that lizards may be found near or in caves, that bats are found in the k.amussa tree, and that the mtttit and vuwot (squirrel-like animals) are generally hunted at night.

Ceremonies Associated with Hunting

There are few ceremonies currently practiced by hunters in Southern Kalinga, and the old-timers do not recall that many cere- monies were connected with hunting in the past. The one common ceremony is that when the hunters butcher a deer or a wild pig on the hunt, they spill the blood on the ground as an offering and ask the spirits for another animal the next day; it is believed that the spirits own the wild animals. The ears and nose may also be offered to the forest spirits. In Lubo, Tanudan, according to Magannon, the liver is roasted and then thrown piece by piece in the direction of the surrounding mountains and offered to the spirits in those moun- tains.24

There is a ceremony termed songa that may be performed on at least three different occasions to improve the hunt. If a good hqnting dog has been catching animals and then for no discernible reason it catches no more, the owner may butcher a chicken for the spirits to persuade them to let the dog continue good hunting. The head and feet of the butchered chicken are put on the end of a stick and placed up on the house. The owner (no medium is necessary) says something to the effect of "allow my dog to catch again" and smears the chicken blood. on the dog, generally around its nose. The same ceremony may be done for a rifle that no longer hits its target or no longer kills or for a new rifle but not for a new dog. And,

·lastly, the songa may be done for those who get sick after a hunt.

A medium is required then and it is similar to a curing ceremony.25

24 Magannon, op .. v.it., p. 73.

25 In Poswoy, Balbalan, according to Dozier, "A ceremony called songnga is performed in cases where the illness of the patient is so grave that death is considered imminent." (Op. cit., p. 180). It is a worrisome fact of life for linguists and anthropologists that many terms while belonging to the same class of events will have meanings that vary considerably. A long list of such words could be complied from just the seven studies mentioned in this article.

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HUNTING AND FISHING AMONG SOUTHERN KALINGA

When traps are used, the hunter usually places a purdos, the knotted stem of the runo plant, by his door for one day indicating that visitors other than the immediate family . are prohibited. At least one technique used by several hunters after unsuccessful hunts - and to which some hunters took strong exception "C7 was to get a new idaw, a good idaw, in the forest before returning home and then to go out before sunrise the following morning to avoid any further idaw. In Northern Kalinga according to Dozier, hunting amulets include lemon fruits, rattan vines, crocodile teeth, a certain gipger.26

Terms for Forest Wildlife

As with much of the Kalinga language, these terms may vary from place to place. I found that such detailed terms as these .,- which are all from Bagtayan - ar,e not generally known in barrios that are removed from the forests and that have few hunters. The generic term for deer· is ugsa. The female deer up to five months old

is commonly called igaw (also keis and taag). The mature female deer is called am7od. There are many terms for the male deer due to his distinctive horns, These include the following: poliwos, suckling and beginning to have horns; todo, weaned and with horns about five em. long; padanga, horns beginning to have branches; sarakan, full grown with hard horns; mamotod, horns are being knocked off (they say it's tired of having such horns); manKoheobe, horns starting to grow again; mamobodo, horns grow long and are soft with on them; lasilas, age when it is ready to die of old age.

The generic term for wild pig is biaboy or Iaman. The follow- ing terms apply for both male and female: chagaw, youngest suckling; mamorporting, small piglets, still suckling, whose color is yellow-brown or white and striped with the hair beginning to turn black; sumsumhong, weaning age; gamayan, full grown and com-.

pletely black. A female pig able to bear offspring is called pidchar.

The male is identified by the growth of his tusks: ngzst, canine teeth beginning to push out lips; manabsavit,. canines protrude about one em.; vucar, canines protrude about four em.; mavungot, canines are about six em. long and curve for the last 3 em;

The generic and only ·term for wild chickens is itaw.

26 Dozier, op. cit., p. 134.

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Fishing Techniques and Ceremonies in Southern Kalinga

Although fish are not planted in the paddies - it is said they would destroy the rice - a very small fish termed palispiP flourishes in the older fields. The people say that these fish tastes bad and that they didn't use to eat them but now they do. They are trapped with a conical woven bamboo trap about 12 em. long and about nine em. in diameter at the large end. The small end has a removable cap where the fish are taken out. It is called a kobk_ob-ong. The fish enter a small hole at the large end and cannot get out because of small inward facing bamboo spikes. The placing of the traps is termed mangto-ong and is usually done sometime before harvest after the rice is ripened.

They are usually placed near the stone walls so as not to destroy the nee.

Fishing techniques in the streams and rivers include the following:

1. Sarop- This refers to a diversion of the water in a stream to make it flow through a smaller side stream. Since it requires the building of dykes and dams, it is the only fishing technique that is done by groups of fishers; all other fishing is normally done individually. First, a trap termed an ugat is placed at the end of the diversion where the water will flow back into the main stream. The ugat is built along the same principle as the k_obk_ob-ong but is much larger, its size de- pending on the size of the diversion. After the placement of the trap, dykes may be built to reinforce the diversion, and the main stream is dammed. Also, bamboo floors (termed asar) may be constructed to catch the fish.

2. Sidok.- This is a conical net about one meter in diameter at the mouth and about two meters long to its tapered end. The net is ge·

nerally stretched around a circle of strip rattan at its mouth, and the net is handled hy two crossed bamboo sticks attached to two sides of the mouth. It is generally used after rain when the water is muddy ano the river swollen. The fisher stands in the water to use it.

3. Dallok. - The same as the sidok but smaller, this net Js used by the fisher as he stands along the river banks.

27 is translated by Kalingas as "Japanese fish." Some said that may be they were called that because the Japanese brought them during the occupation (which seems unlikely), but nobody knows for sure. The fish were not eaten before World War II, and therefore I couldn't get a clear answer on whether they existed before World War II; they weren't important enough then for anyone to recall clearly.

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HUNTING AND FISHING AMONG SOUTHERN KALINGA 101 4. Goggles-and-rod-with-hook -The rod, which is often fashioned from an umbrella rib, has a fish hook secured on the end, and the fisher simply spots the fish and hooks it - or he may run the hook several times through a school of fish. The fisher often swims underwater and looks under Lat rocks. If he stays out of the water, the technique is termed vongwit; if he goes in, it is termed k_amit. Sometimes at night the fisher will use a flashlight for bait. This is of course a clear water technique.

5. Bantak. - Generally for bigger fish, this is the common hook and eye technique. It may be used in clear or muddy water.

6. Udal - This is a trap exclusively for eels, and it takes about one day to construct. The size depends on what kind of eels the fisher expects to catch, but generally it is a long tube somewhat over a meter in length made of woven bamboo with one end closed. A frog is often used as bait tied near the closed end. One end of a string is attached to the bait and the other end to a strip of bent bamboo, which when pulled, will snap closed the door of the trap. It operates on the same principle as the lasag trap and will catch eels in muddy or clear water but is traditionally used only in muddy water.

7. T abok_ol - This is a throw net with weighted leads.

commercial products the fishers used leaves of abaca and maguey plants to make the string for the nets.

8 Om!i - This technique uses a vine (also termed omlt) that is pounded into powder and then broadcasted into a stagnant pool. After 30 minutes the fish float dead to the top and are picked up by hand.

9. Laray - Used for catching crabs, this technique refers to put- ting a worm ou the end of a string and then pulling it slowly as the crabs stick onto it.

10. Spearing - Any large fish and especially eel may be speared.

This is often a night activity with_ flashlight and clear water.

The ceremonies and omens associated with fishing are somewhat similar to hunting but generally much less complicated. For example, the sound of a pisot simply means that the fisher will have a good catch for many days. Also, the idaw signs are simplified. If the fisher is not having good luck, he may butcher a piglet or chicken near a stream in a regular songa (or lipan). There are no distribution for fish.

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Fishing Seasons in Lubuagan Municipal District

April and May are the main fishing months. In these months the water is muddy and the rivers and streams small. The laray, sarop, and udal techniques are used extensively in these two months, and May especially is regarded as the best time to trap eels. Nets are used from August through November when the rivers are often swollen. Goggles- and-rod-with-hook and spearing are used whenever the water is clear but most often in July and August. The tabokol technique is also used in July and August when the rivers are not swollen and the sto11es can be clearly seen and are not covered with moss. Bantak and omli may hr used anytime.

Type.r of Fish Caught and Other Notes

By their Kalinga names the fish most often caught in Tanglag are dalit, eel; ikan, a squat fish of 30-40 em. length; kolidaw, probably the largest fish, which is usually somewhat shorter than a meter; pari- long, a sucker fish about 15 em. long; dagdaw, small shrimp kipkip, a term for any srrtail fish; ti1ap£a, a flat, black fish 15 or so em. long; ba lanba, a fish about 10 em. long with a long snout; and the small mochi fish.

Only eels are sold for cash, usually in Tabuk, Tabuk, the provincial capital, which is about 40 kilometers east of Tanglag, and sometimes in Luhuagan, Lubuagan. The other fish are bartered tor rice or consunted at home. The only preservation technique used is drying. In the villages along the major rivers of the Chico, the Saltan, Mabaca, the Tanudan almost every male fishes, but most fishers along the Chico River agree that the fish were more plentiful just after World War II than now. There is relatively no fishing on the Pasil River since it ;,.

very swift and polluted from the mining area in the western part of Pasil Municipal District.

The Historical Signift"cance of Hunting Grounds

It seems evident from any theoretical or empirical viewpoint that hunting was more important in the 19th century and earlier in South"

ern Kalinga than it is how. Agricultural systems during those times were largely land-extensive, i.e., swiddens, with more leisure time for both headhunting. and wildlife hunting than the present predominantly land-and-labor-intensive, two-crop paddy system allows. A point not

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HUNTING AND FISHING AMONG SOUTHERN KALINGA 103 so evident concerns the ownership of hunting grounds and forest re- sources. Barton writes quite bluntly, "The hunting grounds of every region are open to every Kalinga,"28 but this statement conflicts with much other evidence. In support of his position Barton points out that provisions for opening and closing hunting areas are not mentioned in peace pacts, but this serves only to indicate that peace pacts are fairly recent and cover only the law and order factors necessary for tra- ding and eliminating the headhunting that had become bothersome by the early 1900s to both the Kalinga and the American administration.

Again, it must be kept in mind that Barton's sources of information were limited to a few individuals from Lubuagan town, which as a population center had by the 1940s no more specific hunting grounch but instead encroached on the hunting grounds of the surrounding bar- rios, as I was repeatedly told in Pasil barrios.

That hunting grounds could be owned is shown by the fact that one of the continual large-scale difficulties in Pasil during the early 20th century concerned the protection of hunting grounds. Balatoc in western Pasil was settled largely by people from Tulgao, Tinglayan, sometime well before the 20th century. In the early part of the 1900s other settlers from Tulgao, which must have been a land-scarce area, tried to settle at Colayo, about a five-hour hike from Balatoc. How- ever, under the leadership of Kaiabu, a famous headhunter and Ba- latoc figure during the Spanish period and throughout the early Ame- rican period, Balatoc drove off the settlers several times, destroying their swiddens and beginnings of terraces, and Colayo was not settled per- manently until the 1930s after Kaiabu's death. From all indications they were driven off because Balatoc, or at least the elite of Balatoc, claimed the Colayo area as its hunting grounds. This seems to be a clas- sic illustration of elites keeping the forest intact for their own hunting while farmers go land hungry, as happened in Europe, especially in the 11th, 12th, and 13th centuries. The appropriation of hunting grounds begins from the historical moment when two hunting parties from dif- ferent villages cross each other's path. The population density in South- ern Kalinga is such that one can only imagine that this happened some time ago.

Forest resources in Southern Kalinga certainly can be held in pri- vate ownership, and this must have started whenever two indivi-

2s Barton, op. cit., p. 85.

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duals looked at the same tree for the first time. That the rich in Ta- nudan owned forest resources in the very olden days is evident from the ancient epics.29 Almost all the yakal trees (first wood) and most of the man rzuprol trees (second class wood in the forest along the Tabia River in Pasil are marked as privately owned.

Much of the current difficulty about the boundaries of Pasil Mu- nicipal District - accented by the potential tax source from the

and copper mines - is that the bter peace pact boundaries were sloppy in specifying hunting and forest resource areas because of the over- emphasis on peace and trade. Government acts that create munici- palities and provinces in the mountains generally simp!y name barrios in the absence of land surveys. The boundaries of the barrios are generally to be in the peace pacts, which the government h obliged to respect though they are not necessarily accepted as final.

although the few early peace pacts - before the American occupa- tion - were made primarily to settle trouble about hunting areas, the decline of hunting, along with the other factors mentioned above, meant that later peace pacts would be poor representations of traditional boundaries.

The Rise of Popu7ation and the Decline of Hunting

Census figures are notoriously unreliable. Any official population figures for the old Mountain Province unit from before 1935 may be regarded as inaccurate; Barton points out that these numbers were grosdy inflated by the American lieutenant-governors so that their subprovince would look more important and money could be more easily gotten from the insular treasury .30 The modern census have improved considerably, but they still must be approached with caution;

Billiet and Lambrecht explain how the 1960 census in Abra is inaccu- rate in its counting of the various ethnic groups.

My own on-the-spot population and house count in the Poblacion and barrios of Pasil shows the recent official census to be in error by only about two percent, which is rather remarkable. This encouraging accuracy, plus the ethnic homogeneity of Southern Kalinga, gives us some reason for a bit of faith in the last three complete census in

29 Billiet and Lambrecht, op. cit., p. 158.

ao Barton, op. cit., pp. 14-15.

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HUNTING AND FISHING AMONG SOUTHERN KALINGA 105 Southern Kalinga. I am therefore entering the official figures here.31 (Since the boundaries of these Municipal Districts were different prior to the 1970 census, the barrio populations were used to compile the 1960 and 1948 figures for comparative purposes.)

These official figures indicate a steady population growth for more than the last 20 years in Southern Kalinga. The historical depth to my demographic and census data is not yet completed, but a preliminary survey indicates that with the exceptions of a small pox epidemic just before the turn of the century, a 1920 flue epidemic, a diarrhea epidemic in 1924, a severe rice shortage in 1927-1929, and perhaps the current ( 1973) measles epidemic we can say with some certainty that the po- pulation of Southern Kalinga has increased fairly steadily in the last 100 years, despite some out-migration to mining and educational cen- ters. My data indicate an exceptionally rapid growth from 1930 to 1941 -- also a period for intensive building of irrigated and terraced rice paddies -- and a moderately rapid one from 1950 to 1965 - when many barrio extensions and new sitios were es- tablished.

Population growth leads to a number of changes in the ecosystem (and in the people's culture) ;32 the most important of these for hunting is that the use of more and more land for agricultural systems de- creases the forest land. This decrease of wildlife habitat, coupled with the intensification of the remaining hunting in smaEer and smaller forest areas, means that the wildlife decreases at a progressively more rapid pace. (At least most of the wildlife decreases; it seems that rats, freed from the larger predators that kept them in check and able to survive in grasslands, increase quite rapidly, much to the dismay of the rice farmers.)

31 Kalinga-Apayao Census Branch Office, Bureau of Census and Sta- tistics, Republic of the Philippines, "Population, Land Area and Den- sity of the Province of Kalinga-Apayao by Municipality - Censal Years 1948, 1960 and 1970," Kalinga-Apayao Census Banner, Vol. I, No. 2

(April-June 1973), p. 8.

32 See Ester Boserup, The Conditions of Agricultural Growth: The Economics of Agrarian Change Under Population Pressure (Chicago:

Aldine Publishing Company, 1965) ; Don E. Dumond, "Population Growth and Cultural Change," Southwestern JourmLl of Anthropology, Vol. 21, No. 4 (Winter 1965), pp. 302-324; Michael J. Harner, "Population Pres- sure and the Social Evolution of Agriculturalists," Southwestern Journal of Anthropology, Vol. 26, No. 1 (Spring 1970), pp. 67-86; and Brian Spooner, ed., Population Growth: Anthropological Implications. (Cam- bridge: The MIT Press, 1972).

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At least two past pandemics, Asian Flu in 1957 and Hong Kong Flu in 1968, are believed to have been originated from the Region.4 Therefore, influenza surveillance in the Region is

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