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PERCEPTIONS AND IMAGES OF

YoGENDRA K. MALIK

Early studies of modernization placed emphasis on the historical and institutional aspects1 of societies and divided these societies into "tradi- tional" and "modern" - "modern" being primarily western societies while the non-western societies were termed as "traditional."2 But this approach has led to scholarly controversies which have raised serious doubts about the acceptability of the term modernization for a comp<k·

rative study of societies.3 Consequently, empirical studies ·of modern- ization have focused on the attitudinal and behavioral aspects of this process. . For example, using social-psychological techniques in the Middle East, Daniel Lerner observed that a modern man is characterized

This paper is a part. of a larger study entitled, "Hindi-spe•aking Intelligentsia. of India : A Sociological Profile." The author is grateful to the Indian Council of Social Science Research, New Delhi for the

nancial support which enabled him to conduct this research. He is also indebted to his research assistant, Saundra Schneider for processing the

data.

1 Cyril E. Black, The Dynamics of Modernization (New York, Harper and Row, 1966). Danwart A. Rustow, A World of Nations (Washing- ton, Brookings Institution, 1967). Samuel P. Huntington, Political Order in Changing Societies (New Ha.ven, Yale University Press, 1968).

2 Frank X. Sutton, "Social Theory and Comparative Politics," in H. Eckstein and David Apter, ( eds.), Comparative Politics: A Reader (New Y.o1rk, John Wiley, 1963) pp. 67-81. Lucian W. Pye, Aspect-s of Poli- tical Development, (Boston, Little Brown, 1966).

s For a genera.l criticism of the concept of modernization see Reinhard Bendix, "Tradition and Modernity Reconsidered," Comparative

55

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by an empathetic attitude. And Lerner states that "empathy . . . is the capacity to see oneself in the other fellow's situation."4 An empathetic individual is achievement oriented and has his own opinions on public matters. In another study on modernization, Kenneth Sherill araws from various sources to present ten attitudinal characteristics of a mo- dern political man: identification with national political community, capability to make distinction between personal and political relations, possession of a strong ego, trust in government and people, etc.5 And in what is probably one of the most authoritative studies on the subject, Alex Inkeles and David Smith in Becoming Modern: Individual Change in Six Developing Countries contend that "employment in complex, ra- tionalized, technocratic, and even. bureaucratic organization has parti- ctilar capabilities to change men- so. that they move from the more traditional to the more modern role in their attitudes, values and be- havior."6 Inkeles and Smith .believe that modernization is an ongoing process and that individuals continue to acquire attitudes throughout their life cycles. Inkeles and Smith see the openness to new experiences, readiness -for social growth of opinion, high level of information, effi- ciency, planning, calculability, occupational· and educational aspirations, etc., as the attitudes · of a modern man.

Furthermore, in analyzing the modern process of traditional so- ciety most scholars have placed special emphasis on the 'role of the Western-educated intellectuals and these intellectuals have been tenned as the "executants and the spirit"8 of modernization. Furthermore, it is asserted that western-educated intellectual elites are committed to cultural values which are not in tune with the traditions of their native in Society and History, Vol. IX {April, 1967) pp. 292-346. Lloyd and Susan Rudolph, The Modernity of Tradition (Chicag,o, University of Chi- cago P:ress, 1967) ; and Joseph R. Guesfield, "Tradition and Modernity:

Misplaced Polarities Jn the Study of Social Change," American Journal of Sociology, Vol. !XXXII (Jan. 1966), pp. 351-362; and for a general review of the literature on this area, see Sa,muel P. Huntington, "The Change to Change: Modernization, Development and Politics," Compara- tive Polities, Vol. 3, No. 3, (April1971) pp. 283-322.

4 Daniel Lerner, The Passing of Traditional Society: Modernizing the Middle East (New York, Free Press, 1958) p. 50.

5 Kenneth Shrill, "The Attitudes of Modernity," Comparative Polities, Vol. I, No. 2 (Jan. 1969), pp. 209-210. ·

6Alex. Inkeles and. David H. Smith, Becoming Modern: Individual Chamge in Six Developing Countries (Cambridge, Mass., Harvard Univer-

sity Press, 197 4) ; ·p. 6. · ·

7]bid., pp. 15-35 ..

8 Edward Shils, "Demagogues and Coores in the Political Devel'opment

<1f the New Nations," in Lucian W. Pye (ed.), Communications and Political

Development (Princeton, Princeton University Press, 1969) p. 73.

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culture.9 And because modern values are acquired through a foreign language, values remain "foreign" to these societies.10

But virtually all these studies have ignored the role of vernacular speaking intellectuals in the modernization process of the new nations.

In ancient societies like India, along with the English-speaking intel- lectuals, there also existed "traditional" intellectuals who expressed them- selves through native languages. In such soCieties, these traditional intellectuals continue to constitute one of the most important links between the western educated intelligentsia and the mass of the people.

And it is this group which absorbs the ideas, ·values and symbols which are borrowed from other cultures and then gradually passes- them on to the members of their own societies: they serve as the society's transmission belts.

Because the modernization process involves the interaction between two different types of cultures, the traditional intellectuals act as agents of acculturation. As the ongoing process of industrializadon produces a decline of the traditional values and authority patterns based upon ascriptive and sacred norms, numerous discontinuities and tensions in the culture of the society develop. Thus, it is the vernacular speaking intelligentsia which plays a pivotal role in bridging the gaps between the traditional and the modern value systems. But despite their im- portant role, we have only minimal knowledge about the degree of internalization and personalization of modern values of this group.

In accordance with the arguments stated above, I plan to test the following propositions in this paper: ·

(1) Because of their background in the humanities and their tra- ditional heritage, these "traditional" intellectuals place a greater emphasis on selective borrowing

from

other cultures. They are likely to be com- mitted to the co-existence of traditional and modern values in the

(2) The intellectual's vocation has. a significant impact on his per- ception of modernization .

. · 9 Edward · Shils, The Intellectual Betioeen Tradition and Mode1·nity:

The Indian Situation Supplement I Comparative St7idies in Society and History (The Hague, Mouton, 1969) p. 10.

1o Ibid., p. 11. -

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(3) Both the higher level of education and the greater exposure to foreign cultures of these intelligentsia lead to the development of an attitude of ambivalence toward the native culture as well as toward westernization.

( 4) Ideological orientations and attitudes toward modernization arc likely to be positively related.

(5) The simple acceptance of science and technology is not likely to result in the intellectual's negation of traditional values.

Methodology

In this study, the term "intellectual" is defined in a more restric- tive and narrow sense than it is by Edward Shils and others. This study focuses on the "creative intellectuals," the "men of ideas,"11 or what Reinhold Neibuhr has called the "more articulate members of the community, more particularly those who are professionally or voca- tionally articulate, in church and school, in journalism and the arts."12 Therefore, we are concentrating on those intellectuals who are engaged in writing, journalism, and research in the humanities or social sciences and who express themselves in the Hindu language.

A list of 350 intellectuals was prepared through the use of Sahitiyel{

K.osh13 (Directory of Hindi Literatures, Writers, and Journalists) and through the following criteria: institutional leadership, position, and reputation. All of the intellectuals were contacted; however, thirty forms were returned because some of these individuals had died, others had moved, and some had refused to fill out the forms. 0£ the re- maining 320 intellectuals 161 responded. The author personally in- terviewed eighty of them and the rest returned the completed question- naire

by

mail.

The intellectuals interviewed for this study have been divided into five categories: "creative" intellectuals, college and university teachers, n For a discussion, see G. Eric Hanson, "Intellect and Power: Some Notes on the Intellectual Type," Journal of Polities, VoL 31, No. 2 (May, 1969), pp. 311-328.

·12 Reinhold Niebuhr, "Liberals and fhe Marxist Heresy," in Ge.orge B. de Huszar (ed.), 'The Intellectuals: A Controversial Po1·t?·ait, (New York, The Free Press of Glencoe, 1960), p. 302. .

13 0. M. Prakash and Krishna Kumari (eds.), Sahitiyek Kosh (New Dellfi, Sahitya Samaroh, 1973).

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journalists and editors, and administrators and scholars. However, ca- tegories are not mutually exclusive. For purposes of comparison the in- tellectuals have been divided into different groups on the basis of their areas of specialization. Thus, novelists, poets, short story writers have been classified as creative intellectuals even though they may be employed by universities; newspapers, and government agencies. The university and college teachers include only those intellectuals who have made no significant literary contributions while those intellectuals who are mainly engaged in research and writing, inside or outside of the universities, have been classified as scholars. Those who head aca- demies, bureaus, and agencies and work in ministries of broadcasting, information and education, but they perform :vork only in specialized areas relevant to Hindi have been termed as adminis- trators. The category of journalists and editors include only those in- tellectuals who have produced no works of abiding literary value and who are employed by newspapers. In this classification, I was helped by the respondents themselves, who were asked not only to identify their occupations, but also to group themselves in one of the categories mentioned above. I also used

Sahitiyek

Kosh and other re- levant sources to determine their creative activities and occupational classifications.

I preferred to use open-ended over dosed-ended questions, though the latter are easier to code and analyze. By using mainly open-ended questions, the respondents were given more freedom to develop their own thoughts on the topics under discussion. At the same time, this teclmique afforded me an opportunity to use intensive interviewing and to question the respondents. in depth where I needed greater clarifica- tion. Although the tasks of coding and analyzing data collected from open-ended questionnaires are highly difficult14 great caution was exer- cised in coding the data, and the code was formulated only after .reading the several times. If, however, the findings reported in this study may be termed by a sophisticated methodologist as "suggestive"

rather than "definitive" or "conclusive," I have no objection.

14 On this point, see Heinz Eulau, W. Buchanan, Leroy Ferguson and John C. W ahlke, "The Political Socializatiol} of American State Legis-

lators," Midwest Journal of Politieal Scienee, Vol. 3, No. 2 (May, 1959) p.

190 and Robert Putnam, The Beliefs of Politieians Ideology, Confliet and Demoeracy in Britain and Italy (New Haven, Yale University Press, 197q), p. .

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_ In order to give greater authenticity to . the views and greater insight into the thinking of the intellectuals, the first part of this essay will be composed of extensive -quotations obtained. from the question- naires; Many of the phrases, remarks, or symbolic expressions cited are provided to give us. more insight into the state of mind of the inter- viewees. This approach of reporting the findings about their subjects has been fruitfully used by Robert E. Lane, Bernard E. Brown, Erwin Hargrove and others.

15

In the second part of .the essay, I have presented a statistical analysis of the coded material using the . chi square test to test the propositions stated above.

Variett:;s in the-Images and Perceptions of a Modernized India Acceptance--of Science and Technology

. A careful analysis of the responses show that the Hindi-speaking intellectuals favor the acceptance -of science and the adoption of tech- nology to: solve the problems of contemporary India. Table I gives the distribution of intellectuals' • responses with respect to their image:s of a modernized India. More han! eighty-six per cent: -of the intellectuals perceive ·a scientifically and technologically oriented India as their· ideal type. And a positive attitude towards the adaption of modern science and technology to the Indian situation is expressed both in direct and ipdirect terms. Dne intelleCtual offers· this opinion:

. The age is a scientific. age. ln ·view, therefore, mo- . -- 'dernization means acceptance of scienCe and technoiogy without re- ' servation. · If modernizilltio:li means -sCience and technology, I

it .. _. If, however, m!>darnization _means westernization, -l reject it without reservations. -

:. ·. '. . . . . .· ' . .

- 'i5

See,

for exampie, Bernard E. Brown, ''Elite Attitudes and Political Legitimacy in: France," Journal of PoUtics; Vol. 31, No. 2 {May, 1969}, pp, Erwin C. Hargrove, "Nationality, Values, and change: Yo.t1:ilg Elite in French Oariada;'' Comparative Politics, VoL 2, Ni:>. 3 (April, 1970h

i 473-499. "Tradition and Change in Englanid: Innovators in

sion: and Policy," Comp,ar(J;tive Vol. 4, No .. 4 (July, 1974), pp.

531-560. And,. Robert Lane, Political Ideology (New York, The Free Press of GlencOe, '1962).

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TABLE I

DISTRIBUTION OF RESPONSES CONCERNING IMAGES OF A MODERN INDIA

Percentage of the Intellectuals

Type . of Response Who Mentioned Numbe1·

Aeceptance of Science and

Technology 86.3 (:139)

Rationalization· of Indian

Culture 78.9 (127)

India should have its

Own Model of Development 57.8 (93)

Rejection of Westernization of India 39.8 (64) .

Industrialization of India 37.3 \ (60)

Synthesization of Inaia and

Western Ideas arid.Values 29.8 (48)

Reassertion and Revival of

Indian Values 12.4 (20)

Complete Westernization of .India 3.7 (6)

Complete Revolution in India 7.5 (12)

Positive responses such as these are frequent; however, these intellectuals als() make ·a distinction . between the use . of science and technology for industrial purposes, for the purpose of consumption of industrial pro- ducts, and for the development of .a scientifiC attitude. The consump- tion of industrial products, the use of modern gadgets (i.e. televisions, radios and cars), and the adoption of wester!) appearances do not make a man "modern.'' According to one Indian scholar: · · · ··

Without adopting a scientific .

a

life,

we .. cannot achieve modernization of our society. ·

Following this line, an editor of a monthly literary magazine .com-

mented: · ·

Modernity for me does not exist in appearances, dress, or . style of living. Living in simple and traditional ways would not con- tradict modernity.·· For me; modernity exists in mind·and actions.

Tolerance of (different) opinioo:s, openness of :inind, acceptance of new ideas . . . all these are (for me) 'el'ements of·modernity.

Many industrialists and. businessmen (including my employers) at;e U1odexn ojlly in.their living rooms .... They re-strain us from attackintr ·useless· tt:aditions our articles- or. literary·

worlta . . . ·They put up industries but do want tO stir UP social controversies.

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The intellectuals' concern about the attitudinal aspects of moderniza- tion has important relevance to the situation existing in India. The new rich class in India is eager to adopt western life styles, but social values and attitudes remain tied to the useless traditions of the past.

Because they have not adopted a scientific and rational outlook of life, these intellectuals are afraid that technological achievements may be used to strengthen traditions and may lead to wasteful spending. They also make a distinction between themselves, separating those intel- lectuals who, despite their somewhat traditional life style, have adopted a rational outlook, and the new rich class of businessmen who ap- pear to have adopted a western life style, but still live in· a world dominated by traditional values.

Rationalization of Indian Culture and Social Structure

With the acceptance of science and technology and the adoption of a scientific attitude, it is no surprise to find out that an overwhelming number of intellectuals do not seek revolutionary change in Indian so- ciety; they seek rationalization of its structure. They seem to place emphasis on "the principle of selective retention"

16

and do not find any contradiction between "tradition" and "modernity." Actually, they seem to believe that the adoption of modernity along with the pre- servation· of a rationalized structure of Indian traditions and culture is the only type of natural change for the society. According to the editor of the Hindi daily newspaper:

In my opinion, India should stay conservative so that its feet are on the ground, but it should develop a modern outlook. There should come out new leaves out of an old tree, this tree should stay alive; it should not die; ·

There is a willingness to incorporate new ·elements from other and more dynamic cultures while not allowing such borrowing from other cultures to destroy the "basic fabric" of Indian society.

One poet commented:

1 woulld like only those changes in our society which do not dis- turb our . basic institutional structure, otherwise we ·will be. faced with ·an anarchic situation ..

a discussion of this concept, see Donald T. Campbell, "Variation and Selective Retention in Socio-cultural Evolution," in Herbert R. Bar- ringer, George I. Blanksten, and Raymond W. Mack, (eds.), Soeial Change in Developing Areas (Cambridge, Mass., Schenkman and Company, 1965), pp. 19-49.

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A desire to rationalize the traditional social structure, in itself, rules out the possibility of a total change in the society. These individuals definitely ·do not agree with Manfred Halpern who argues that the revolution of modernization "involves the transformation of all systems by which man organizes his society - the political, social, economic, religious and psychological systems.''

17

The ·intellectuals do express a degree of dissatisfaction with the traditional social structure; however, throughout different interviews, I could hardly· discern any

total

re- jection of the. Indian social structure. Further, I noted a strong sense of identHicaion with "things Indian." Even some of the Marxists and progressive authors who prefer revolutionary over evolutionary methods of social change, do not find any contradiction between tra- ditional and modern values. A well-known Marxist literary critic observed:

There is no contradiction between traditions and modernity We should not give up positive elements of our culture. We have long standing traditions of ·humanistic values, they should be pre- served. We should develop India on the basis of our historic traditions.

Referring .to Edward Shils' observations about the Indian intel- lectuals' dilemma as regards tradition and modernity/

8

an historian observed:

An Indian should be truly an Indian. He should be able to re- move the distortions which have overtaken us. (M.K.) Gandhi

(Balgangadhar) Tilak and (Rabindranath) Tagore were true In- dians. They. preserved Indian traditions and accepted from West whatever was essential and useful for us. Traditions and modernity are not. exclusive. Traditions have. their own. values.

Edward Shils' approach is completely misplaced. Traditions can be reconciled with modernity.

Gandhi, Tilak, and Tagore are seen as "ideal modernizers" because they reinterpreted Indian traditions to meet the challenges of modernity.

Furthermore, it is asserted that "they brought. out what is the best m Indian culture without the 'perversions' of western life

In part, these intelligentsia reject Nehru because he, in their opinion, tried to imitate the West. This was also the reason why he failed to use tra- ditional symbols to achieve modern goals, as Gandhi had done.

17 ·Manfred Halpern, "Towards Further Modernization of the Study of New Nations," World Politics, Vol. 17, No. 1 (Oct., 1964), p. 173.

18 The work re;ferred to is Edward Shils, TJie Intellectual Between Tradition and Modernity: The Indian Situation: Suppl&ment I, Com- parative Studies in Society and History (The Hague, Mouton, 1961).

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Some of the intellectuals look upon culture as a dynamic process, which cannot remain static. And change is cited as the essential ele- ment of the cultural process. One scholar who has recently completed a study of the impact of communication media on folk cultures, stated:

Traditi<>ns are being transformed to meet the need of modern times. This process has always been taking place. There has always been an interaction between different cultures and cultures of elites and masses.

This of cultural dynamism, as well as the images of a ra- tionalized and secularized India is based upon the values which have been imbibed from western ·culture. In many ways, these elements have been so internalized that they have come to be accepted as part of the Indian heritage. When the intellectuals remark that India should be free from orthodox and rigid attitudes, that it should have a scientific outlook along with a zest and zeal for inquiry, but that it should have roots in our society, they are using .western idioms and rationale to justify the existence of traditions in. the society. One in-

tellectual expressed it in this way: · ·

For me, the concept of modernity is based upon rationalism. If an old and traditional element of our culture is rational, it is useful; it should be cQillsidered modern and retained. I do not look upon an orthodox and infJiexible attitude, whether it is com- munist or nonreomunist, as modern.

Further, the application of rationality to the existing structure of Indian society means:

that lndia should be free from castism, untouchability, and ,other social evils. (I think of a) modern India which is free from fatalism in which the people are ready to examine- the so called superior elements of our culture on the .basis of rationality.

In both these statements, the commitment to rationality looks evident but it is used here as a defense mechanism . to justify' their continued adherence to the traditional aspects of life. . This attachment to tradi- tions is so pervasive among the intellectuals that even some of the ideo- logical extremists are not free from it. A Naxalite (Maoist) novelist expresses his view as follows:

You cannot )lll,ild a new society by completely destroying its tra- aitional Whatever was said, written and practiced since the Vedic period we cannot compJietely discard them. We will nave to sift from them . . . . Whatever is useful and rational should be kept. There is a need for .synthesization · of. new and old, traditional and m®ern. We cannot be out of

ness.

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Thus, Hindi-speaking commitment to. the continuation of the'. basic . values of Indian: culture seems very strong,·· though they are willing to rationalize India's structural framework to meet the challenge posed by more advanced cultures.

i}fvelopm:ent of India's (?u;n

M

odel.of Industrialization ·.

Because India has t1nique traditions, it has a distinct cultural per- sonality 'and historical Consequently, it js· natural for Indians

to

seek their

own:

model· of industrialization, though there is no con-

iensus

ambng· the intelkdtuals ·about what· the· attributes -of India's own model of development should embody .. Some want to '!fpllow western or. Russian 'models of development." · Yet, others ted that :we: are bot- towing the \vorst of both the Russian :and world .

. . . we

to

do tlie things in our owri we canri6t In the: kind of culturall co-E!Xisterice> which· we

have .: ..

·aec:epted the qominant culture ·will ultimately dominate: .:,.· ;' and

be<!()'!lle. a oo'lgny ,either of West or East.;

. Htiwevet',

··the

emphasis seems to be on the Indian

model• of.

opment a:nd not on the

life

style· .. patterns

of affluent

life styles--·are·out

•of reach,·

Therefore;. the· concept

of a

so·ciety -and

the

political elites' emphasis

ort

vestment in-building heavy iridustries should he rejected: 'industrializa-

tion

:should' be: directed at meeting:

basic

· · ' ··.

··· .. Also,· concern _is_

ab{)pt· .. the results

.?f .

.i.ndl.Jstrialization:

. > Industrializa..tion is·:not i:r:re;leva11t t!> our' (ow:n) .mode-l a:f deye,J.,.'

opment . • . , but we .should have a decentralized system of dustrialization . . There ought to be no froreign capital. We should be seH-reliant and should achieve self-sufficiency. All our social and cultural cha.nges should be free from foreign influence..

Social change (caused by industrialization) ·should not lead to alienation. We should not lose our (cultural) identity. We should not copy anybody . . . Copying means loss of roots and

identity. ·

'the .

.·recognize that

•tn(lia,

being . a .

_agri-

cultural.itld overpopulated cbuntry, cannot think in terms of Russian

¥

western 'models of ·'industrial · development..

They ·

rejett

the :i'dea 6£ a completdy·inechanized

sodety·.

·Although

they sed{

in essen.tial.go<;:>ds, these in.te,llectuals want industrial .polides to

'be.

more relevant. to needs

an ,

agricultural society; ·

they

think that Gandhi's' 1deqs: ;rt;Ievant: to the ne.eds :·of

lndiatJ.'

soCiety ·.than

ihe

economic' development- strategies' suggested

by

foreign economists

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or Indian planners trained abroad. This group of intellectuals believes that Gandhi's methods of economic development could restore the dig- nity of labor in India and also avoid the problems created by rapid industrialization.19

Also this group of intellectuals emphasizes the decentralization of both industrial and political activities and the building of small-scale industries- which are relevant to the needs of a rural society. This would prevent a large-scale migration of the rural population to the cities thus preventing the creation of vast slums in the urban popula- tion centers. Decentralization of industrial and political activities would promote and protect i_ndividual freedom. They believe that the actions of contemporary political elites as well as those of the westernized bureaucrats lead to excessive centralization of political, industrial, and economic powers within India and make individuals and communities dependent upon government help. They contend that since India has longstanding traditions of community action through community as- sociations, these associations once freed from political influence can be mobilized for the proper use of India's immense manpower. Further, they stress that the westernized elite has not been able to make a per- ceptive and imaginative use of the traditional values of Indian culture to achieve the development goal of the society. Therefore, they believe that in order to limit the demands of the people there is a need_ to emphasize traditional, ethical virtues of contentment and simple living and at the same time "prohibit a vulgar display of wealth by a few.'' The contemporary political elite of India, in its quest for "modernity", downgrades traditional Indian values and promises to abolish poverty while indirectly encouraging a vulgar display of wealth on the part of

a few. · · ·

Rejectiowof ·Westernization

The intellectuals who reject the adoption of the western model of development do not express a sense of bitterness towards the West.

From_ an analysis of their expressions, as stated above, they seem to have imbibed many of the basic ideals of western culture. There is, however, a- group of intellectuals who do not only emphatically reject

19 For a summary of Gandhi's political views, see D. Mackenzie Brown, The White Umbrella:. Indian Political Thought from lJ!lanu to Gandhi, (Berkeley, University of California Press, 1953). K. G. Mashruwala,

and ManJ; (Ahamedabad, Nivjivan, 1951, and J. P. Narayan, A Picture of Sarvodya Social Or_der, (Tanjor, Sarvodya Prakashan, 1955).

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westernization, but also express feelings of hostility toward western values and life styles. Certainly, the degree and level of this hostility differ from one group of intellectuals to another. The comments nf a young poet and an editor of a prominent Hindi weekly emphasize this hostility:

The so-called modernization is resJX>nsible for the trouble which we are presently facing in India. I reject the term moderniza:- tion itself, it is a defective, rather a dangerous term. We are creating conflicts within our society by adopting the western model (of economic development) and life style. The history of west- ern civilization is based upon the destruction of other nations.

They have destroyed other nations to build themselves. Today, they are trying to destroy other (people's) cultures. We can solve our problems through the use of our own values and institu- tions . . . I am not asha.med of my poverty and simple living.

I have a sense of contentment and satisfaction in my life . . . I resent identification of modernization with westernization . I am opposed to both communist and capitaliist methods of in- dustrialization.

On the other hand, some intellectuals reject western ideas and values because they think that "they are not relevant" and that "any effort to incorporate them in our value system would be self-defeating." Some intellectuals reject westernization because they think that the "west is materialistic," and· that India has "spiritual traditions." They feel that because of the "bankruptcy of western culture, many of the westerners are developing counter cultures, seeking peace through meditation, or adopting and accepting non-western religions." The negativism to- wards westernization was expressed in the opinions of various types of intellectuals. However, the most emphatic rejection of westernization was expressed in negative opinions about the adoption of western life styles in specific sections of Indian society.

Synthesization of Indian and Western Values

There is another group of intellectuals who are more than willing to accept science and technology from the west. This group feels that not only is it possible, but it is also desirable to have a synthesis . between western and Indian values and life styles. According to a university pro-

fessor: ·

We should accept modern values of life; those west!!Tll values which are useful for us should be accepted without reserva- tions . . . We can graft new ideas ·on old traditions.

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These jntellectuals. point out that historically the greatest strength of the Indian culture has been its capacity to absorb foreign ideas and Yalues without losing its own identity. They assert thJt by accepting science and technology, basic elements of western life are already being adopted. Resistance to the introduction of western ideas and values into the Indian culture is useless; synthesization of western aod Indian values and ideals will save Indians from developjng split personalities.

Therefore; the best strategy for Indian development is to "save whatever is best in our culture and synthesize it with the dynamic values of (the) west." Thus, "we can rerriove our backwardness and become a modern society."

Other Perceptions and images

of,

q Modernized india

The revival and reassert ion of Indian· values is also mentione,d by some intellectuals in their image of a modernized India. · However, this revival ism is stressed more in terms of the reassertion of moral, spiritual, and ethical values and it should be taken as a reaction against the adoption of the "western life style" by the upper strata of Indian society. Also, they express concern that the Indian youth, educated in large universities, identify "modernity" with "westerniza- tion," and that they are becoming alienated from Indian culture and its value system. Therefore, they fed that the reassertion of traditional Indian values through the system of education and other means of com- munication will help stop this drift tow;uds and anomie.

Complete westernization and revolutionization of Indian society i:>

another image projected by a small percentage of intellectuals. AccepL- ance of science and technology and the consumption of industrial pro- ducts without complete acceptance of western values and life styles are creating conflicts within individuals and are leading to the develop- ment of social tensions. In the words of a well-known novelist:

India has accepted modernization freely and fully as fa1· as the use of industrial products is concerned, but internally (in its

look) it almost remains unchanged almost as it was before it came in contact with Europe . . . Frankly speaking, any person in India who is aware of a force like modernization is leading a double life. I ·would prefer to have India completely mo.- darn . . . I would welcome European or American models of modernization minus those elements which lead to exploitation of man by man.

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This group of intellectuals belie\·e that with an increased pace

or

industrialization and with the introduction of electrical appliances into the home and other places, Indians would ultimately adopt western life styles. All these would lead to an increased freedom for women, equality of the sexes, the establishment of individual dignity, and a general decline in outdated traditions and age-old moral standards,

suiting in an overall liberation of Indian society.

. In the following pages, I propose to test the propositions stated at the beginning of this essay. Table II provides a general picture of the in- tellectuals' attitudes toward science and technology and toward complete westernization on the basis of their \·ocations. This table Sl1ggests that there is almost a complete consensus among intellectuals as ,to their willingness to accept science and technology and to apply it to the situa:

tion existing in India, although they also have a high degree of nega- tivism toward the complete westernization of. society in India .. More important, however, this pattern is also repeated in their attitudes toward Indian culture and tradition. Almost 80 per cent of the intellectuals from all categories (except the creative intellectuals), seek to rationalize the Indian sociJI structure and culture, while only 12 per cent of the creative intellectuals seek revolutionary or total change in India. This supports the hypothesis stated earlier that Indian intellectuals, because of their closeness .to the cultural heritage of India, are likely to be

posi-

tively disposed towards science and technology; while at the same time, they seek to preserve the basic cultural values of their society.

TABDE II

TYPES OF INTELLECTUALS AND THEIR PERCEPTIONS AND IMAGES OF A MODERNIZED INDIA

Types of Intellectuals Creative UniveTSity J mtrnalists Adminis-

Types of Intel- & College & Editors trat01·s Scholcws Perceptions lectuals Teachers

Complete

Westernization 6.3 4.8 X 5.3 X

Acceptance of Science &

Technology 90.6 85.5 81.0 73.7 96.3

No Perception 3.1 9.7 19.0 21.0 3.7

% 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0

No. of Cases (32) (62) (21) (19) (27)

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My next concern is i:o analyze the impact of an intellectual's voca- tion on his perception of modernization. Contrary to my proposition, and as shown in Table III, an intellectual's vocation is not significantly related to his perception of modernization, except in one instance. There is disagreement among the intellectuals as to the emphasis that should be given to the synthesization of Indian and western ideas values and over India's need to have its own model of economic and political development. On one hand the creative intellectuals show a greater willingness to accept a synthesization of Indian and western values;

they also place less stress on India's need to have its own model of:

development. It appears that they show greater flexibility and recep- tivity towards the ideas and values of other cultures than the editors and journalists. On the other hand only about 10 per cent of the editors and jo1.1rnalists mentioned the need for synthesization of .. Indian and western. values while 28 per cent wanted to revive Indian cultural and ethical values: However, the importance of the findings reported in Tc:tble III are diminished in view of their low level of statistical significance.

TABLE III

TYPES OF INTELLECTUALS. AND THEIR PERCEPTIONS OF A MODERNIZED INDIA

Types of Pm·ception

SynthesizatiQn _ · of East-ern &

Western Ideas India Should Have its Own Model of Development No Perception

%

No.• -of Cases

Types of Intellectuals Creative University J01.t1-nalists

& College & EclitM's

Teachers

40.6 29.fi 9.5

50.0 60.7 57.1

9.8 33.3

100.0 100.0 100;0

(32) (61) (2i)

Aclminis- trato?·s

31.6

57.9 10.5 100.0 (19) Number of Missing Observations -·1

Significance p

> .

10 . ·

ScholaTs

33.3

.• 63.0

\. 3.7 100.0

·(27)

(17)

The inverse relationship between an intellectual's exposure to the cui- tures of non-Hindi speaking areas through travel and residence and his reaction. toward westernization is significant (p

> .

05). Al- most 33 per cent of those who have travelled outside of Hindi speaking regions reject westernization, in contrast to 6 per cent of those who have had no such experience, but still reject such westernization. Also, intellectuals exposed to foreign cultures are less enthused about the re- vival and reassertion of the values of Indian culture. It appears that a greater degree of exposure to foreign cultures and a higher level of education generate feelings of alienation among intellectmils from >vestern cultures and life styles as well as from their own native culture. Intellectuals with ho college education and with almost no intercultural experience develop an ambivalent attitude toward west- ern as well as their own cultures. This proposition is confirmed · in Table IV. It is the less educated and less foreign-travelled intellectual who is less hostile towards westernization and, at the same time, who places a greater stress on the reassertion and revival of the values of Indian culture.

TABLE IV

IMAGES AND PERCEPTION OF A MODERNIZED INDIA ON THE BASES OF LEVEL OF EDUCATION

Level of

Type of M.A. &

Perception No College B.A. Other Ph.D. 01, D. Lit.

Accept

Industrialization 40.0 33.3 39.0 36.3

Reject

Westernization 26.7 33.3 35.6 47.8

Reassertion of

Indian Values 33.3 22.2 8.5 8.7

No Perception X 11.2 16.9 7.2

% 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0

No. of Cases (15) (18) (59) (69)

Significance p

> .

01

This paradoxical situation may have more than explanation.

It could be suggested that a higher level of education and intercultural experience may lead to the development of greater sophi-;- tication. Therefore, this group might have developed a higher capacity

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for "selectiYe retention;" whereas, the second group may oot have devel- oped this kind of sophistication making thern ·unable to detect contra- dictions in their attitudes toward the two cultures. It is also possible to suggest that a greater exposure to western cultures ·and life • styles through a system of higher education and foreign travel might .haYc created a sense of ·rootlessness in this group - they react .negatively towards the west and become alienated from it.

ln.

pre:independ- ence colonial world, English"educatecl intellec.tuals frequendy expressed ''anti-western:' attin1des;. India was no exception. Therefore, it is pos- sible that these pre-independence attittJdes have been carried over to the present situation. Furthermore, it is even . possible that these intellectuals who seek rationaliz,ation of Indian cn.lture and who expres:>

negative r.eactions against the West may be expressing. a form. of militant nationalisin. The intellectuals with

a

lo,wer level of exposure. to. western cultures do not seem to developed this kind of rootlessness, aliena- tion from local cultur.es, nor :militant

The perceptions and images of a modernized Indi:t were also compared ro various background factors such as ·caste, place of birth, sex, religion, and age. None of these variables are significantly related to the intellectuals' attitudes toward different aspects of modern·

ization.

Polt'tical Ideology and Perceptions and Images of Modernized India Political ideology has a definite impact on the intellectuals'. percep- tions of different aspects of a modernized India.20 As evidently shown in Table V, there is a consensus among intellectuals as to the acceptance of science and technology on the basis of ideology. However, with the exception of a small number of socialists and Marxists, no other group mentions complete westernization of India as a desirable goat Thi.s ·is not unexpected in the case of Gandhists and Hindu both of whom have placed greater emphasis on the cultura( virtues

of

a traditional India. But, surprisingly liberal and conservative .intellectuals who have expressed support for the western values of rationalism, in- dividual freedom, and ideals of democracy did not mention a com- pletely westernized India as their ideal type. ·

. '

zo Ideological classification of intellectuals is based on the basis of their response to the following questions:

(a) In yot\r opinion, what are the political values which should be . emphasized in· the politics of otir country? .

(b) What kind of political system would you be wilHng to recommend

· · to .the new nations of the world? · · · · (c) Can y(m briefly describe yom· personal political ideology?

(19)

TABLE

v

POLITICAL IDEOLOGY AND ATTITUDE TOWARD ACCEPTANCE OF SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY

PoliLieal Ideology

Type of DenWc?·atic Hindu Democratic

Attit1.1de (;mulhiwm Soeialism J1Iar.vism 1Yationalism Ulhf'rs

Complete

Westernization X 10.4 5.0 X X X

Acceptance of

Science & Tech. 81.5 81.3 95.0 84.2 95.8 87.0

No Perception 18.5 8.3 X 15.8 4.2 13.0

100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0

No. of Cases (27) ( 48) (20) (10) (24), (23)

Ideological orientation becomes a more statistically significant va- riable when we look at Table VI where the largest percentage. of ·in- tellectuals seeking complete social and cultural revohition in India are the Marxists. On the other hand, a complete revolution in Indian social structure is rejected both by the Gandhists and Hindu nationalists.

TABLE VI

POLITICAL IDEOLOGY AND ATTITUDE TOWARDS RATIONALIZATION OF INDIAN CULTURE

TYJ>e of Attitndc

Rationalization Indian culture Complete Revolution No Perception

%

No. of Cases of

Political Ideology

Democ1·atic Hind1t Denwc1·atic

Socialis·rn .. Harxism, l\'ationalisrn Liberalism Others

77.8 75.0 75.0 04.7 83.3 73.9

X 8.3 25.0 X 4.2 8.7

22.2 16.7 X 5.3 12.5 17.4

100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 (27) (48) (20) (19) (24) (23)

Significanc(l p

> .

05

The intellectuals professing faith in Gandhism (Table VII) are the most traditionalist group among the Hindi speaking intellectuals. Not only does this group contain the smallest number of those who clearly mention industrialization as one of the important aspects of a modern- ized India, but a majority of rhem reject the westernization of India.

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Thus, this group expresses the highest degree of hostility towards west- ern life stlyle and places the greatest emphasis on the reassertion and revival of traditional Indian values. It should be pointed out, however, that there is a qualitative difference in the revivalism stressed by Gand- hists as compared to that stressed by Hindu nationalists. Intellectuals professing faith in Gandhism are more interested in the revival of ethical values of traditional India, and they place greater stress on the traditional concept of

Nishk_am Karma

(actions without a desire for material rewards), on self-negation, and on social and community serv- ices. In contrast to the Gandhists, Hindu nationalists wish to revive the traditional Hindu social system based upon

V arnasharm Dharma

(assignment of duties on the basis of four stages of life and the caste system).

21

The Gandhist intellectuals emphasize the reassertion of hu- manistic traditions of Indian culture, and the reconstruction of Indian society, where the self-governing, autonomous village and decentralized political system become the center of social life. Hindu nationalists arc more positively oriented towards industrialization, urbanization, and a centralized political system and they seek a

of the glories of an imperial India.

22

Also, unlike the Gandhist intellectuals, they express less hostility towards the West.

TABLE VII

POLITICAL IDEOLOGY AND ATTITUDE TOWARDS WESTERNIZATION

Political Ideology

'l'ypes of DemocTatie Hindu DemoO'l'atic

Attitude Gandhi am Sooialtsm llian•ism Nationalism Liberalism Others

Acceptance of

Industrializati-on 11.1 45.8 70.0 36.8 33.3 26.1 Reject

W e.sternization 51.9 37.5 30.0 42.1 41.7 34.8 Reassertion of

Indian Values 29.6 6.3 X 15.8 12.5 13.0

No Perception 7.4 10.4 X 5.3 12.5 26.1

%

100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 1oo.o· 100.0

No. of Cases (27) (48) (20) (19) (24) (23) Significance p

< .

10

21 For a representative presentation of these views in Hindi, see Gu- rudutt, Dharma Sanskriti aur Rajya (Ne'w Delhi, Bharati Sahitya Sadan,

1966). .

22 Balraj Madhok, Bharatiyakaran (Delhi, Rajpal and Sons, 1972), and J. A. Curran, Militant Hinduism in Indian Politics: A Study of the R. S. S. (New York, 1951).

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Compared to the Marxist socialist and liberal intellectuals, Gand- hists and Hindu nationalists place a greater emphasis on India's need to have its own model of development; Gandhists and Hindu national- ists show less concern for a synthesization of Indian and western values. Consequently, Socialist, Marxist, and liberal intellectuals more frequently mention the synthesization of Indian and western values, and thus demonstrate a greater willingness to incorporate western values into the Indian culture, than do Gandhist and Hindu nationalist intellectuals (see Table VIII). It is possible to conclude from our analysis that the ideological orientations of an intellectual do play a significant role in determining his attitude towards the modernization of India.

TABLE VIII

POLITICAL IDEOLOGY AND PERCEPTION OF INDIA's OWN MODEL OF DEVELOPMENT

Political Ideology

Democratic Hindu Democratic

1'ypes of

Perecptions GandhiBm Sodalism Marxism NationaliB'»L Liberalis1n OtherB

Indianization of Western Values India Should Develop Its Own Model

No Perception

%

No. of Cases

14.8

77.8 7.4 100.0 (27)

39.6

45.8 14.6 100.0 (48)

40.0

45.0 15.0 100.0 (20)

22.2

66.7 11.1 100.0 (19) Attitudinal Configuration and images of Modernization

37.5

54.2 8.3 100.0 (24)

17.4

69.6 13.0 100.0 (23)

My final concern is to test the proposition that the simple acceptance of science and technology by an individual may not bring about funda- mental change in his attitude towards his native culture; the acceptance of science and technology may not result in a complete rejection of traditional cultural values. The findings reported in Table IX provide support for this hypothesis. A comparison of intellectuals seeking west- ernization of Indian society against those who accept only science and technology reveals highly significant differences in their attitudes to-

(22)

wards Indian culture. 0£ those who accept

only

science and tech- nology, an overwhelming majority (82%) seek to rationalize the Indian social structure while only 5 per cent endorse the need for a revolutionary change. On the other hand, the westernizers, by a large majority ( 68%), .seek revolution in India's social structure, while only 33 per cent arc favorably disposed towards its rationalization.

TABLE IX

ACCEPTANCE OF SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY ATTITl.:DE TOWARDS INDIAN CULTURE

Attitude Towards Indian Culture

Rationalization of Indian Culture

Complete Revolution No Perception Total

lmctges of Modernization Acceptance of Complete Science and Westernization Technology

33.3 82.0

66.7 5.1

X 12.D

100.0 100.0

SignifiC'ance p

< .

001

No Perception

68.8 6.2 25.0'

Similarly those who want India to have its own model of devel- opment have a higher level of negative attitudes towards industrializa- tion as well as westernization of Indian society. Yet, the intellectuals place greater emphasis on the reassertion of Indian cultural values. In contrast, those who seek synthesization of Indian and western values are more positively disposed towards industrialization and are less ne- gatively oriented towards westernization. Also, those advocating such synthesization do not place any meaningful emphasis on the revival of values and traditions of Indian culture. And there is a significant difference between the attitudes of the group (p

< . 001).

Evidently, the simple acceptance of science and technology does not change an individual's attitude towards his culture and social structure.

The evidence presented here suggests that such an individual

is

far

more traditionalist and conservative in his attitude dian those · indivi- duals who advocate a complete westernization of India or a tion of western and Indian values. It is important to ·note here that

(23)

a large majority of intellectuals in this study .seem to be committed to the idea of the co-existence of traditional and modern Yalues.

Summary and Conclusions

_ Follo':ving the presentation of yarious approjc:hes to modernization, specifically Lerner, Sherill, Inkeles and Smith,. I have tried to probe into the intellectual's perceptions and. images of modernization.

ever, 11nlike Lemer and Inkeles who studied the attitudes of the c;:ommon man,, my foci1s has been on a sophisticated group Qf intellectuals :- the cultural elite of North Iridia. The findings reported in the pages demonstrate that the Hindi-speaking intellectuals, who inherited the traditions of sacred and traditional intelligentsia of North India, have successfully assimilated and absorbed many western values. They are gradually being integrated into the cultural fabric of India through their creative writings. By expressing and advocating modern values and attitudes, these intellectualS have also assumed the role of a secular and modern intelligentsia. Rather than providing a basis for the or- ganization of a revivalistic and reactionary force, they have become a

vital force in the acculturation process.

This analysis does not support the common assumption that non- western intelligentsia seek to cast their system in the image of the West.211 Despite their absorption of western ideas and values and their acceptance of modern science and technology_ they prefer to develop their own model of industrialization. Yet, the findings reported above do support the proposition that non-western intellectuals do emphasize the process of selectively borrowing from other cultures, while at the same time are keen to preserve the basic fabric and value system of their culture. They express strong criticism of the development stra- tegies adopted by the political elites in the post-independence period, seeking a greater balance between the adoption of modern technology and the needs of a primarily agricultural society. By rejecting the image of a consumer-oriented society and by stressing the need to revive the traditional cultural values of contentment and simple living, the Indian intellectuals advocate the voluntary containment of "individuals"

during the period of industrial take-off. The blending of traditional

28 For a critique of this assumption, see Peter C. Lloyd, Classes, Crises, ancl Coups: Themes in the Sociology of Developing Countries (New York, Praeger, 1972), pp. 67,-69.

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and modern values is stressed by these individuals to achieve the goals of modernization. These Indian intellectuals suggest that the post-in- dependence political elites have failed to achieve their goals because of their efforts to mold India in the image of affluent societies.

This study also. suggests that the various .demographic · factors such as religion, caste, sex, etc. are not significant in determining an in- tellectual's image and perception of modernization. While occupation does have some impact, the intellectuals' exposure to speak- ing or western cultures, level of education, and political beliefs and ideological commitments have a far more significant impact on their perceptions and images of a modernized India.

Mga Sanggunian

NAUUGNAY NA DOKUMENTO

will not be assigned; √ constant discussion of the nature of and reason for class requirements and their relation to the learning outcomes of the student; √ adoption of a stance

2.2 Adoption of New and Amended PFRS a Effective in Fiscal Year 2015 that are Relevant to the Group In 2015, the Group adopted the following amendments and interpretation to PFRS